Jana Toom: Big lies to split Estonia
Claiming that Russian citizens living in Estonia are "Putinists" is a malicious lie. Besides, no law can dictate to people living in a democratic country which political views they need to subscribe to in orders to have access to rights, Jana Toom writes.
The entire topic of stripping voting rights contains numerous "load-bearing pillars" that, while factually incorrect, have become so entrenched in public discourse that they not only keep the issue afloat but also serve as a tool for political point-scoring. Let's take a closer look at these claims.
The first false claim: 94 percent of Russian citizens living in Estonia voted for Vladimir Putin. False. In reality, 94 percent of Russian citizens residing in Estonia who participated in the elections voted for Putin, not all of those living here. In 2018, this figure was about 26,300 out of approximately 100,000. What, then, was Putin's actual support level? If this were a second-grade math problem, it would be embarrassing not to solve it. But Estonian politics doesn't always reach even a second-grade level.
Furthermore, since the start of the war in Ukraine, not only has the number of Putin's voters in Estonia decreased, but his approval ratings have also dropped: among the 2,539 voters at the Russian Embassy, 75 percent supported Putin.
Yes, voting stations in Russia were open to Estonian residents, but Estonia's border guards reported operating under normal conditions during those days. If anyone went to vote in Ivangorod, they numbered in the dozens, not thousands. This means that the assertion that Russian citizens living here are "Putinists" is a malicious falsehood. Moreover, in a democratic country, no law can dictate which political views individuals must adhere to in order to exercise their legally guaranteed rights.
Passports not a measure of loyalty
The second false claim: If Putin declares a mobilization, Russian male citizens of eligible age living in Estonia are obligated to go to war. Nonsense. In order to receive a draft summons, a Russian citizen must be registered for military service, and citizens living abroad are not registered. Moreover, no one can compel a person living in a democratic country like Estonia to go to war (and hopefully, those spreading this falsehood are not seriously considering assisting Russia by forcibly sending draft-dodgers back).
The third false claim is that holding citizenship of a country signifies loyalty to its authorities. Absurd. Equating a state with its president, government and policies is a completely totalitarian notion. Loyalty cannot be measured or defined by passports – a fact underscored by the long list of Russian opposition figures and political prisoners.
The fourth false claim is that Russian and Belarusian citizens who vote in local municipal elections can indirectly influence the election of Estonia's president, since the president is sometimes elected by an electoral college. This claim, incidentally, is partially true; however, the actual problem lies elsewhere: only Estonian citizens are eligible to be elected. This means that the assertion effectively amounts to a declaration of distrust toward one's own citizens –specifically, those who believe that all permanent resident taxpayers' interests should be represented at the local level.
Political point-scoring
Finally, the fifth false claim: Nowhere in Europe are citizens of third countries allowed to participate in elections. This argument does not even require second-grade math skills, but rather a basic ability to use Google.
In reality, third-country nationals have voting rights in local elections in countries such as Belgium, Denmark, Finland, Ireland, Lithuania, Luxembourg, the Netherlands, Portugal, Sweden, Slovakia, Slovenia, Spain and Hungary. Moreover, in Belgium, Denmark, Finland, Ireland, Luxembourg, the Netherlands, Portugal, Sweden, Slovakia and Spain (shockingly!) they even have the right to run as candidates.
This so-called "false narrative" forms the basis of a political consensus to strip a considerable part of the country's population of their constitutionally guaranteed voting rights. I will not reiterate the Center Party's oft-repeated arguments against the withdrawal of voting rights, as our stance remains unchanged. Beyond alienation, societal division, growing mistrust and other so-called side effects, there is yet another overlooked dimension to the idea of removing voting rights. While fraud may win political points, it certainly cannot build a strong state.
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Editor: Marcus Turovski