This week, a new law is set to take effect in Russia, prohibiting individuals designated as foreign agents from engaging in so-called educational and enlightenment activities in the Russian language. Educational and enlightenment activities (просветительская и образовательная деятельность) encompass both written and oral expression, delivering lectures, giving presentations and even writing for newspapers.

Russia's foreign agent law was first adopted more than a decade ago. According to the law, organizations receiving 20 percent or more of their funding from abroad were required to register as foreign agents if they were deemed to be "engaged in political activity." This latter criterion was intentionally broad and vaguely defined. Initially, no one knew quite what to make of this new classification. The law seemed absurd and unnecessary. Interestingly, the first foreign agent in Russia was a nature reserve for Siberian cranes.

Over time, the foreign agent law took on a more concrete form and became increasingly strict. Looking at this process over the past decade, the first major restriction was a ban on foreign agents applying for state grants and scholarships. This was a significant blow, as Russia distributes large sums annually through various state projects and these funds are a crucial source of income for many non-governmental organizations.

The restrictions on foreign agents gradually tightened further. The issue was that once the state designated someone as a foreign agent, it was virtually impossible to shed the label. While the decision could be challenged in court, legal proceedings only delayed the designation rather than overturning it.

Skipping over a series of developments, at some point, Russia expanded the concept of a foreign agent to include individuals rather than just organizations. This was a crucial shift, as it granted the state far greater control. Under the new laws, individuals classified as foreign agents were required to disclose their status publicly in all relevant contexts. For example, when posting on social media, such a person had to include a disclaimer stating: "This material has been produced, distributed or transmitted by a foreign agent [name], who is included in the list of foreign agents."

At the start of the full-scale war between Ukraine and Russia, foreign agents were banned from engaging in educational and enlightenment activities within state institutions. In simple terms, this meant that individuals with foreign agent status were prohibited from teaching or even giving public lectures. To put it plainly: if a village cultural center wanted to organize an event and invite someone to speak — even on a topic as harmless as the life of ants — such an invitation was impossible if the person carried the "foreign agent" label. This was a direct act of revenge by the Russian state against intellectuals critical of the regime, as their activities now fell squarely under the new law.

As we know, thousands of cultural and academic professionals fled Russia for foreign countries at the outset of the full-scale war. The exact number remains unknown, but many of my former Russian colleagues now live in North America, Europe or in Georgia and Armenia. Those who dared to speak out — however mildly — against Russia's aggression were quickly designated as foreign agents. Soon enough, my Facebook feed was filled with posts that began with the mandatory disclaimer: "This material has been produced, distributed or transmitted by a foreign agent."

The question is: why did people voluntarily announce their foreign agent status everywhere? I know some who refused to do so on principle, but others had different reasons. Some still hope to return to Russia one day, others fear for their relatives and some simply prefer to comply with the law.

In early March, Russian authorities took another significant step. They effectively stripped designated foreign agents of their property rights. Under a new law that took effect on March 1, foreign agents are no longer allowed to receive royalties from book sales in Russia.

Even worse, foreign agents are now prohibited from selling their real estate. Technically, they are still allowed to do so, but in practice, the process is extraordinarily difficult. If a foreign agent wants to sell a house or an apartment, they must open a special account and any money received from the sale can only be used under strict limitations. This law is a major blow to many Russian academics and cultural figures who fled abroad and are now unable to sell their property in Russia to finance their new lives elsewhere.

The law set to take effect in the coming days adds the final touch. It will officially criminalize the educational and enlightenment activities of foreign agents. They will no longer be allowed to write in Russian or appear in any capacity for legal entities registered in Russia. Violating this law will result in fines or even imprisonment. Moreover, Russian-registered legal entities will be forbidden from enabling foreign agents to engage in Russian-language activities, and more critically, from allowing them to earn money through such work. These violations, too, carry fines and prison sentences.

In practical terms, this means that foreign agents will be barred from posting on Facebook or Telegram — both of which are extremely popular in Russia — or maintaining YouTube channels. One of my colleagues, an anthropologist, left Russia in 2022. Among other things, he delivers online lectures on anthropology. These lectures are available for a small fee through an academic platform. Under the new law, recording these lectures, making them available on the platform and paying my colleague for views will all be criminal offenses for everyone involved.

For Russians living abroad, a criminal conviction could be a major obstacle when applying for a residence permit, renewing a visa or traveling. One way or another, the Russian state has made a very calculated move. I know people who have no intention of complying with this new law, but my gut tells me that even more exiled Russians will choose to do so.

On a philosophical level, it is fascinating that with this law, Vladimir Putin is effectively declaring the Russian language to be the property of the Russian state. Its use is now regulated and restricted by the government.

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