The tragicomic absurdist play "Dual Power in Narva" could have been a theatrical event on the Vaba Lava stage. Instead, it has become a reality series whose producers keep churning out ever more outrageous new episodes even when it seems impossible to surprise viewers anymore.

The political circus unfolding in Narva, which has now escalated into dual power (the Narva opposition this week elected new leaders for the city at a self-convened council session, which the city government of Mayor Katri Raik has not recognized as legitimate — ed.) should serve as an eye-opening experience primarily for the city's voters, but also for most of Estonia's political parties. The 31 members of the city council did not descend on Narva as aliens in a UFO. Nor were they dispatched there by the Estonian government from Stenbock House. They became representatives of the local people through the will of local voters.

This is the kind of cautionary outcome that emerges when Estonia's parliamentary parties, aside from the Center Party, fail to take participation in the politics of the country's third-largest city on the eastern border seriously for decades. Either they do not participate in local elections at all or do so only with weak, symbolic lists that clearly have no chance of crossing the electoral threshold. Even the Center Party has functioned as something of a revolving door for many local politicians who come and go not so much because of ideology as for personal gain.

This is what happens when many Narva residents do not vote or, worse still, sell their vote to unknown candidates for €10. Many local politicians spoke of widespread vote-buying in Narva during the most recent local elections. Police managed to bring suspicions against only one elected council member who has already switched sides and, given the current balance of power, now holds the deciding vote.

Or when a large number of voters conclude that their best representative on the city council is someone convicted by a court of fraud and bribery. Or a politician who calls the Estonian government fascists and uses his YouTube monologues to oppose the policies of the Estonian state. Any thoughtful person should understand that such behavior does nothing to improve life in Narva and instead deepens alienation from the rest of Estonia.

As a result, the city council elected after the most recent elections immediately descended into the power struggle that continues to this day. It has been intensified by years of accumulated personal grudges, resentment and desires for revenge among council members, making it quite difficult to achieve any reasonable compromises. In the background also looms a practice and mindset that has spread through the Narva City Council over decades: the belief that a council member is not so much a defender of voters' interests as a person of elevated status entitled to special privileges.

It was apparent immediately after the elections that Narva would not get stable governance with one political party and three electoral alliances represented on the council. When the deadlock became evident, there was discussion about whether it might be possible, regardless of which list people had run on, to form a coalition of responsible, so-called normal council members guided by the city's interests. It was concluded that such a coalition was indeed possible, except that it would clearly remain in the minority on the council.

At present, the most common synonym for Narva's council members on local social media is "clowns." But once again, this "circus troupe," to use the same kind of terminology, was assembled by Narva's own voters.

Because of the power struggle that has grown into dual power, Narva has once again attracted a large share of Estonia's attention and this is further eroding the city's already poor reputation, making both the council members and the city's governance look ridiculous.

Most local residents are tired of it all and largely indifferent to what is being done at City Hall in the name of power. When Katri Raik was removed as mayor a little less than three years ago, a demonstration was organized in her support on Town Hall Square, public appeals were drafted and roses were presented. Nothing of the sort is happening now.

Raik, who has devoted a quarter-century of her life to advancing the city of Narva, lost much of her political capital after choosing [City Council Chairman] Mihhail Stalnuhhin as her political partner in Narva. Even so, no social media groups have appeared under names such as "Hands Off Mihhail Stalnuhhin!" or "Let Jaan Toots and Urbo Vaarmann Get to Work!"

Hardly anyone feels sympathy for Narva's current politicians. Their power struggle is followed more like a fairground brawl or children playing in a sandbox. People sense that their lives are influenced far more by the heads of local businesses and institutions, or even the chairpersons of gardening cooperatives, than by the city's leaders.

What happens next is nearly impossible to predict. The confusing period of dual power will probably continue for a few more weeks or perhaps a few months. Sooner or later, however, the city council will convene and the transfer of power will be formalized in a manner that the Stalnuhhin-Raik camp will also have to accept. That is, of course, assuming that yet another council member does not change their mind and switch sides in the meantime, which would not be surprising either.

Having spent more than 20 years in what he himself has called the "university known as the Riigikogu," mostly in opposition, Mihhail Stalnuhhin knows all the tricks and opportunities for throwing obstacles in the other side's path. It is unlikely that he will refrain from using them in Narva. The Toots-Vaarmann camp will have to devote much of its energy to holding on to power. What they intend and are able to accomplish for the city of Narva remains an open question.

Next weekend, Narva will celebrate its City Days festival and host the Narva City Run, events expected to attract several thousand people. It remains to be seen who will deliver the ceremonial speeches, fire the starting gun and lead the festive parade in a city governed by two city governments.

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