Opposition in a letter to Estonian PM: Documents prove lies in defense procurement

Opposition parties have written an open letter to Prime Minister Kristen Michal, raising questions and requesting information regarding the country's recent ammunition procurement scandal. ERR is publishing the letter in full.
The ammunition procurement contracts scandal has raised fundamental questions about failures to exercise due diligence and the risks of corruption. Falsehoods and distortions of the truth concerning the case have emerged publicly, along with claims that key documentation relating to the transactions cannot be found. Existing documents confirm that the public was misled.
The media has clearly highlighted the conflict of interest, but a whole series of important questions remain unanswered. You have said that you have now spoken with senior officials and received answers from them. We would now like substantive answers from you.
We are submitting the following questions and request for information regarding the ammunition procurement contracts case and ask that you respond without delay.
1. When did the defense minister inform you of the problems involving Datasel? When were you briefed by prosecutors and police about the criminal proceedings that had been launched? Why did you decide to keep this from the public?
2. How did the defense minister present the idea of purchasing ammunition from the ARCA factory to the government in February 2025 and when did you learn that a company owned by Jaanus Rahumägi also had a financial interest in the transaction?
3. Have you communicated with Jaanus Rahumägi about defense procurement or are you aware of the defense minister having done so?
4. The defense minister has told the media that concluding €91 million worth of transactions helped present Estonia in a favorable light to ARCA with regard to building a factory. At the same time, Rheinmetall and BAE Systems are known to have abandoned plans to build factories because the state would not provide a purchase commitment. Why did the government not decide to similarly "present Estonia in a favorable light" to Rheinmetall or BAE Systems?
5. How is the construction of the factory in Kiviõli progressing? When can the promised €300 million investment and 1,000 jobs be expected to materialize? In light of the new details and information that have emerged, do you have reason to review the decision concerning the ammunition factory to be built in Kiviõli?
6. Could it turn out that, in the case of the government's ARCA decision, there was never any intention to build a factory at all and that it was merely administrative cover for carrying out ammunition transactions in which the defense minister had a clear conflict of interest?
7. An article published in the media revealed that the defense minister repeatedly said that the prime minister was demanding rapid deliveries from the ARCA factory. Was the defense minister acting under pressure from you or was he acting on his own initiative when he repeatedly said that the prime minister was applying pressure and that the ammunition procurements therefore had to be carried out quickly?
8. ARCA's owner has been convicted of corruption. As prime minister, what safeguards did you require the defense minister to put in place to reduce corruption and reputational risks? As an experienced politician, you are aware of the potential risks. How did it happen that Jaanus Rahumägi's involvement instead increased the corruption risk?
9. Jaanus Rahumägi is a longtime Reform Party member and supporter. The transactions have revealed a glaring conflict of interest. What specific steps did you take to prevent the defense minister from establishing these business ties?
10. Jaanus Rahumägi has a fairly direct role in the Reform Party's defense and security policy network. For example, during the 2025 government coalition consultations, he participated in discussions on internal security and public safety as a representative of ESC Global Security. What positions did he advocate?
11. How did the defense minister establish contact with Oculus Strategic Solutions, which sought to act as an intermediary for Datasel's ammunition offer? Can you state with confidence that this contact was not established through Jaanus Rahumägi?
12. Why did the defense minister insist that the Greek company Nordeto be brought in as an intermediary in the Datasel transactions and how did the defense minister establish contact with the company?
13. According to media reports, the defense minister was actively involved in directing the transactions through a Signal group and his personal email account. Will you use your authority to make the contents of those conversations available to parliamentary committees?
14. Why did payments to Datasel continue after the Estonian Center for Defense Investments (RKIK) proposed considering terminating the transactions because of the risks involved? Media reports have since revealed that RKIK made such a proposal in writing on at least two occasions.
15. RKIK's previous director left office in summer 2025. The top civil service appointments committee, which is overseen by the Government Office, took more than six months to appoint Elmar Vaher as the new director. Why did you decide to delay the process and why was appointing Elmar Vaher as RKIK director considered more important than the risk of slowing defense procurement?
We hope to receive answers from you in the near future, particularly since you have said that you have familiarized yourself with the matter.
We also call on you not to block the establishment of a parliamentary committee of inquiry into financial matters in the defense sector.
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Editor: Marcus Turovski











