In the transition to Estonian-language education, historical attitudes quickly surfaced, revealing influences that persist to this day. Learning the local language has never been part of Russia's strategy in any country. The expectation has always been that locals must learn Russian – end of story. In most cases, this approach succeeded, with dozens of nations effectively abandoning their native languages.

Estonia, however, presents a different context. Over centuries, hundreds of Germans and representatives of other nations living in Estonia learned the Estonian language and even wrote in it. Initially, these texts were, unsurprisingly, religious in nature, such as Wanradt and Koell's catechism (1535) or Georg Müller's sermons. Heinrich Stahl, a pastor serving in Kadrina, left his mark, while Johann Gutslaff authored the first grammar for South Estonian. Bengt Gottfried Forselius developed Estonia's school system. From the 18th century, Rainer Brockmann's wedding songs became famous, and by the 18th and 19th centuries, there was a significant body of Estonian-language texts.

When Estonia came under Russian rule with the Treaty of Nystad, it would seem logical to find a Russian statesman or cultural figure who had learned Estonian and written in it. Yet, to this day, I have found none. I once asked the late Peeter Olesk, a literary scholar and politician, if he knew of any examples. He, too, was stumped. Perhaps you know of one?

While some Decembrists wrote about Estonian affairs, they did so in Russian – even if they hailed from Estonia, such as Wilhelm Küchelbecker. This disregard for the Estonian language was systematic and cannot be accidental. Russian chauvinist historian Yevgeny Spitsyn bluntly asserts: "We bought you in 1721, and you belong to us. Period."

For 300 years, Russian rule in Estonia has behaved exclusively as a colonial occupier, never as a part of Estonia. This long historical shadow undoubtedly continues to shape contemporary issues.

The refusal to learn the local language is not unique to Estonia; the same pattern exists elsewhere. Moldova and Latvia, among nearby examples, face similar challenges.

The war in Ukraine and the heightened sense of Russian supremacy have brought about an extremely regrettable phenomenon with far-reaching consequences. Russian politicians, propagandists and social media figures have begun mocking and belittling other nations. These historical attitudes have reemerged with full force.

This latest wave began with Vladimir Putin. Recall his statements, along with those of his entourage, about the Ukrainian people supposedly not existing and Ukrainian being a failed dialect of Russian. Sergei Karaganov, the architect of the Karaganov Doctrine that defines Russia's treatment of its neighbors, recently declared, "You don't give a monkey a grenade. Look what happened when Ukraine got one."

On YouTube, Nikita Klementyev's channel provides insight into the attitudes of some non-Latvians in Latvia regarding the transition to Latvian-language education. Many of the comments are outright vile.

In Estonia, Oleg Bessedin seeks out anyone from Estonia or the former Soviet Union willing to speak ill of the country. For instance, three weeks ago, he published a lengthy interview with journalist Oleg Gussev titled "Cultural Genocide of Russians in the Baltics." In it, Gussev compared Estonians to jackals who cannot defeat a bear but still provoke it.

A few days ago, Russian political scientist Rostislav Ishchenko appeared on Bessedin's channel, claiming that Russian occupation would be a gift to Estonia since we supposedly cannot manage on our own. And so it continues.

It is easy to find dozens of stories advocating for Russia to conquer Estonia as punishment or to bomb it outright. These are not merely social media commentators but high-ranking individuals, including generals.

All of this points to a worsening situation in Ukraine, with heightened tensions and an increase in aggressive rhetoric. The frequency and intensity of such statements have grown notably in recent months. Of course, not all Russians view the current situation through an imperialist lens. Tens of thousands consider Estonia their home, speak Estonian and wish to raise their children here. Russia's actions complicate their lives as well.

This narrative is just one example among many that confirm a stark reality: while the war in Ukraine might end in a political stalemate, it will not resolve the underlying issues. The resurgence of Russia's historical imperial instincts during a time of crisis serves as a dire warning to many nations. It is clear that rapid and painless change is not on the horizon.

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