Eight years ago, socialists and liberals still held the majority in Europe. Now, however, the balance of power has shifted. This is reflected in the facts: 13 of Europe's current heads of state belong to parties affiliated with the European People's Party (EPP), and EPP members also hold 15 of the 28 European Commission posts. No other political group has ever held such disproportionate influence within the Commission.

What has been done?

We dare say that if the conservative shift in Europe had not taken place, we would now be in a precarious position — both in terms of security and the economy.

Support for Ukraine is a clear example. Under former Chancellor Olaf Scholz, Germany's backing was timid and slow. But Friedrich Merz, with both his words and initial actions, has brought about a shift. His public declaration that "Germany must become Europe's leading military power" signals a fundamental change in the country's mindset. Until now, Germans themselves had been the most eager to maintain a sense of guilt inherited from the world wars.

Merz's words suggest progress and a willingness to confront problems honestly. Under the logic of the Greens and Social Democrats, even in the face of war, the money of Europe's largest economy would have gone into wind turbines and unrestricted migration. Thankfully, it is now being directed toward drones and other military technology.

Estonia and other countries on Europe's eastern border have long been outspoken on security issues, but enthusiasm for boosting defense capabilities has been lacking further west. Germany's assertive entry into this chorus strengthens our shared sense of security and opens new doors for Estonian companies operating in this field.

Migration policy is another crucial and principled shift. There are two dimensions to this. First, there's the need for stricter control over the previously reckless and self-damaging influx of (illegal) migrants. This also means less crime, fewer idle youth gangs and a more rational use of taxpayer money — in short, a greater sense of security for citizens in their communities. The second is keeping extremist populists out of power.

In Western Europe and Scandinavia, migration is the main political flashpoint and a source of votes for Kremlin-friendly parties like AfD, the National Rally and the Sweden Democrats. By erecting border barriers and reinstating border controls, we demonstrate that ensuring security is not a populist slogan but a necessary step in combating extremism — both internally and beyond.

We must also keep the migration issue in mind in Estonia. Recent data from Statistics Estonia shows the highest number of unemployed in years. This means we need to focus on addressing the problem at home instead of creating further exceptions to bring in thousands of foreign workers from outside Europe and our cultural sphere. This is a particularly dangerous step, given our historically low birthrate, which, combined with migration, could rapidly undermine the foundations of our nation state.

From an economic standpoint, the Greens in the European Union have opposed the idea of a common market. Their concern has been that market rules would strengthen the influence of large corporations while weakening environmental and social standards. But the common market is a central pillar of the EU. It enables the free movement of goods, services, capital and people among member states — in other words, the kind of cooperation we've come to know.

The necessity of the common market became especially clear after U.S. President Donald Trump imposed tariffs that effectively shut European goods out of the American market. Still, we must remember that in today's geopolitical climate, Europe needs to think in terms of fairness — not applying the same rules indiscriminately to both Central European countries and those located on the "Baltic Peninsula" after the closure of the eastern border.

Recent victories have brought good news in May for farmers as well as small and medium-sized enterprises. The European Commission's proposal to simplify the Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) is the result of years of work by our political group. The proposed changes reduce bureaucracy and give farmers more flexibility.

For example, certain environmental rules — like mandatory fallow land (set-aside) — would become voluntary. Smaller farms (under 10 hectares) would be fully exempt from certain administrative burdens, including requirements to submit digital location-based data. If all goes according to plan, member states will be able to adapt some CAP rules to their specific circumstances in the future. This means greater autonomy and a better fit for local conditions.

Another major proposal from the Commission is the simplification of implementation and reporting requirements for the Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism (CBAM). This is a significant step forward for European businesses. Under the proposal, smaller companies — collectively responsible for only a small share of emissions but comprising 80 percent of importers — will be exempt from carbon reporting requirements.

At the same time, the requirements will remain in place for large importers, whose operations account for 99 percent of emissions. This means life will become easier for many businesses, freeing up time and resources — without compromising the EU's climate goals. This too can be counted as a victory for the EPP and Isamaa, as we have always stood for an optimal balance between production and environmental protection.

Main challenges for the future

In politics, as in football, every trophy win must be followed by another round of training camp. If we want to meet the challenges of the modern world, we must also renew ourselves. At the European People's Party (EPP) congress held in early May in Valencia, Spain, EPP leader Manfred Weber identified authoritarianism spreading its wings over Europe as the main adversary. This has become possible due to the weakening of our democracies. "We have entered a new era in Europe," he said, summing up the political climate.

Parties with ties to and sympathies for Russia are attacking everything that Europe — including Estonia — has worked so hard to build: the foundations of the rule of law, European unity and support for Ukraine. Until now, democratic forces have been able to assert themselves through reasoned arguments, but in our post-truth world, facts and logic alone are no longer enough.

We live in an age of multiple realities. Authoritarian regimes and their allies exploit post-truth politics and modern technologies to deliberately create alternative realities — and then justify them under the guise of "freedom of speech." We must understand, and help others understand, that spreading Kremlin talking points and blatant lies is not an act of defending free speech. It is propaganda that endangers all of Europe. This is a vast and serious battleground, where facts and truth have become our most valuable ammunition.

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