Caroline Roux: Good evening to all. Good evening, Volodymyr Zelenskyy. You are here, Mr. President, in Paris to attend a summit on peace and security for Ukraine. Thirty-one nations are present. Before we begin this interview, perhaps a word, Mr. President, about your presence in France, alongside what we can now call the coalition of the willing.

Thank you for the invitation. Good evening, everyone. Good evening, France. First of all, I would like to thank President Macron for the invitation. Today, we had an important bilateral meeting in preparation for tomorrow's summit. Tomorrow, as you rightly said, there will be 30, I believe, friends and partners. Indeed, daily support is very important. Today, Emmanuel and I discussed the bilateral program of support for Ukraine. Today, the focus was on Ukraine; tomorrow, it will be on security guarantees. Tomorrow, we will discuss security guarantees for Ukraine after achieving enduring and lasting peace. We all believe in this. Our country is proud of our partners and undoubtedly proud of our resilient army. We want peace very much and hope that tomorrow's meeting will bring us closer to it.

Caroline Roux: And we will naturally return to these topics, especially security guarantees. Tonight, you will be seen in more than 50 countries all over the world thanks to the European Broadcasting Union. We're going to be broadcasting in English and in French. Tonight, joining me to ask you questions are my colleagues Jessy Wellmer from ARD, Jeremy Bowen from BBC News and Joakim Klementi from Estonian Public Broadcasting (ERR). To start, Mr. President, negotiations have begun in Riyadh. You have agreed to stop hostilities in the Black Sea. Do you think these discussions are moving in the right direction? And more specifically, is this a good deal for Ukraine?

Thank you to all the countries that support us. The agreement is important for Ukraine. Ukraine's voice is being heard, and everyone understands our position. This is very important for us. I am grateful to all journalists who, without a doubt, inform their societies about the support for Ukraine, about the truth, about what is happening and how we fight for this truth and freedom.

As for the talks in Saudi Arabia, we did not have direct talks with Russia. We held talks with the United States of America — not because we are afraid. I think it's Russia that is afraid of any dialogue, any talks. We spoke with the United States, and at the same time, the United States spoke with the Russians. That is how it happened.

We reached an agreement with the United States. I also want to emphasize that it was not just about a ceasefire in the Black Sea, ensuring that civilian ships will not be attacked and that strikes on civilian infrastructure will be avoided. Civilian infrastructure includes port infrastructure, where there are many people.

We also agreed that there would be no energy infrastructure strikes. This was part of our agenda: that there would be no missiles, long-range weapons or drones targeting Ukraine's energy sector, and that Ukraine would not respond striking Russian energy infrastructure. This was also a very important point. Somehow, this disappeared from the media coverage, although I believe it was the number one issue we addressed.

Another key point was the exchange and return of our children, whom the Russians have kidnapped. We agreed that the United States would help us with this, as well as with the exchange of prisoners — both military and civilian. That was the agenda. I believe this agenda was the right one for our discussion. Everything that brings us closer to any ceasefire brings us closer to peace and reduces losses.

We initially sought an unconditional ceasefire, but the Russians did not want a ceasefire. I could talk about this for a long time, but please stop me. I don't want to take up all your time.

Joakim Klementi: I think the difficult question is this: Is there currently any sort of ceasefire in effect? Are the Russians limiting their attacks in any way? Does Ukraine consider this ceasefire to be active?

We are monitoring this. So far, the technical teams have not determined how it will proceed. Although I don't want to lie — tonight, there was no attack on energy infrastructure. There were, however, attacks on other civilian infrastructure. Of course, it's a tragedy that the Russians still launched more than a hundred drones. But to be honest, there were no energy strikes today, and Ukraine did not respond. This could be a coincidence or it could not be — because no one trusts the Russians. No one believes that this is some kind of permanent change. They simply cannot be trusted. That's why it was necessary to agree immediately not to attack any civilian infrastructure. /.../

Jessy Wellmer: Mr. President, you've been making concessions repeatedly over the past weeks. Meanwhile, Putin demands more and more. Are you somehow caught in a trap you can't escape?

Thank you. We needed to unblock the aid from the US. For us, the exchange of intelligence is very important. We went for it immediately and did not discuss the details from the American side. We went ahead and supported the ceasefire and told the American side, 'You will see, the Russians will not go for this because there will be some conditions.' And the conditions were more public that were put forward by the Russians because it was not what we discussed with the American side.

Therefore, we do not accept any conditions from them. Not only are they aggressors, but they also set conditions — it is their style. The meeting ended, there was a statement, the statement was official, but then, additionally, the Russians issued their own statement. We've been through it with them, so we are very careful.

We came with four questions, which I mentioned to you. We talked about these questions, we discussed the details of these questions. We are not moving beyond these questions. So far.

But the aid is unblocked. I think it's important. Not everyone knows what intelligence means. I will tell you very briefly. Without American intelligence, we cannot monitor the launch of ballistic missiles from the Russian Federation targeting our people. Ballistic attacks are aimed at civilian infrastructure 90 percent or even 100 percent of the time — energy infrastructure, schools, universities, churches. You know all that.

These are tens of thousands of missiles. And we do not know when to give a signal to the civilian population to go down to the bomb shelters. We do not have this data. We never had access. We have always received this information from partners. This is what I was fighting for at the beginning of the war. I asked them to give us direct access. But we didn't get it. Still, we are grateful. We unblocked it, and that is a success of our team.

Jeremy Bowen: The conditions that the Kremlin have put on the Black Sea ceasefire, particularly the easing of sanctions. Now, your foreign minister today said that he was very much against that, that sanctions allow Russian deception. So, if you don't agree to sanctions relief, is that the end of it in terms of hopes for a ceasefire? Do you now require the Russians to move before you do anything else?

First of all, we need to understand that the ceasefire in the Black Sea is most important for the Russians today. For a long time, they haven't been controlling the corridors of the Black Sea. We're fighting for it because undoubtedly this is a step towards ending the war. But we control the situation in the Black Sea. And part of their Black Sea Fleet is on the bottom of the sea or they've hidden it. And that's what is happening today. They agreed and negotiated for a ceasefire in terms of energy infrastructure — so it's energy infrastructure and the Black Sea. We were ready for a full ceasefire. We agree with this ceasefire, while they just try to jump in to control the food corridor...

Jeremy Bowen: Mr. President, sorry to interrupt, but if I could just... My question was that the Russians are putting conditions on all of this, and if they put conditions on all of this, how can you make progress?

Look, they put forward these conditions regarding the sanctions. If America is going to stand strong and not bend to the conditions of the Russians — we stand on our land. We are defending it, we have shown our resilience to everyone. And now it's very important that our partners would be resilient and strong, at least at the minimum, as we are.

Jeremy Bowen: Will the Americans stay strong?

I hope so. I hope so. God bless they will. But we'll see.

Caroline Roux: Let's talk about the Americans. This reversal of the alliance is very difficult to understand. The American envoy Steve Witkoff said that Putin, I quote, was not a bad guy and that he really wants peace. The American administration sometimes repeats, as Donald Trump did in the Oval Office, untruths. So the question is the following: Do you think the White House has adopted Kremlin propaganda?

I think that Witkoff often quotes Kremlin narratives. I agree with you. I think that this will not bring us closer to peace. And I think that this will, unfortunately, weaken the pressure of the Americans on the Russian Federation. We can only correct this information space with our actions. We are trying to do this. I have spoken with President Trump several times. We are trying to exchange real information, the truth, at the level of intelligence. /.../ Because we are fighting Putin and don't want him to have any assistants. This is definitely difficult for us, because we are fighting a country that is 40 times bigger in territory, less dignified, but that's their problem. We are unified. We want Americans to be on our side. And even if America today has decided to be in the middle, then the middle is the middle, not closer to the Kremlin. This is important.

Caroline Roux: When he says that Putin wants peace — he is wrong, the Americans are wrong. Is he falling for it?

America has always supported us, and I am very grateful to them. They have always supported us, the bipartisan support that has been there. I can't be ungrateful to the Americans for everything they did, but they are often, unfortunately, under the influence of Russian narratives. And we cannot agree with these narratives. But we fight for ourselves, and we will fight with these narratives wherever they are. We simply have no other choice. We fight for our independence and for our existence. That's all. We can only reveal more truth. We must show with our example that we are fighting on the battlefield. We are not surrounded, as one narrative says, that Ukrainians are encircled in the territory of the Kursk region. [Talk of] encirclement is only to soften the situation — that we're allegedly there but surrounded. No. We will be in the Kursk region as long as we will need. We have never been surrounded. There is no evidence of this. On the contrary, there is evidence that we are encircled. And on the contrary, when we were in the Kursk region, we took thousands of Russian prisoners and exchanged them for our Ukrainian soldiers. That is the truth.

Jeremy Bowen: Can I ask you about the reliability of the United Stats under Donald Trump as an ally. He is, for a brief period, he cut off military aid and intelligence support. You've said yourself a few minutes ago that he has been, that the Americans have been swallowing Russian narratives. Can you trust them to support you in the way that you want and need? Or is it the case that actually the people, your better friends, are here and gathering here and clearly they would not be gathering here if they trusted America?

You know, when you count the days of this war and the number of people you lost, and you know exactly how many, you have no sentiments toward the actions of this or that state. There is just an approach to go through it with dignity, to survive, and to overcome the evil sitting in the Kremlin today. Because in the end, Ukraine will still win, and they will lose everything. You will see it. I am sure of it. Everyone will see it. The question is, unfortunately, a question of time.

And that's why, when the Patriot systems were given by the United States, and they produce the shells and missiles for these weapons, and without them — for example, Germany [also] gave [them to] us and I am very grateful to Germany — but without the Americans saying, "Okay, you can give," without this, no one would give us anything. And so, if our protection of people and children, of the civilian population, depends on whether the president of the United States will block it or not, then I think you should understand me. We believe that the Americans will be reliable partners.

Jeremy Bowen: Trump is reliable?

He unblocked the aid today. I would like to believe that this is not an accident, but he did it because he understands the threat we face.

Jeremy Bowen: And you gave him something. You gave him deals and you gave him concessions.

Me? And what did we give him?

Jeremy Bowen: You agreed to an unconditional ceasefire when you said that there had to be security guarantees. You agreed to talk about the minerals agreement.

Look, we are talking about the ceasefire not because it is a question of bargaining. I will explain. I do this because there is the Middle East who always tell me in other conversations that Putin is ready to stop the fire, to talk about it, that Ukraine is not ready to cease fire, [that] Ukraine does not want the end of the war, Ukraine does not want peace. That is, Russian propaganda worked very hard there. And I clearly showed that we are ready to cease fire. But you will see now that Putin is not ready. You know, after that, we had several contacts with the Middle East — with these countries, the Global South, countries that had not even talked to us much before, because they were balancing between us and the Russians, and, to be honest, they were playing more with the Russians, through economic relations. That is, I am doing, I believe, the right diplomatic steps for today. This is what I'm doing, taking correct diplomatic steps. This is firstly. Number two, I really needed to unblock the aid. I did unblock it. And I would really like that now, when Putin refused to stop the fire, President Trump would put strong pressure on him with sanctions, not remove them, like what you said, not remove them, but strengthen them instead.

Joakim Klementi: Mr. President, if there's one thing we know about Donald Trump, he said as much, he wants a quick end, he wants to stop the killing as soon as possible. I think this is something that you want, that Europeans want as well. But the people in my country and our neighboring countries are worried. We have historical examples of the big powers selling us out, making deals over our heads, deciding our freedoms and independence without our knowledge. A lot of people are worried that this is what's happening again, is it?

Let us believe that it is not like that. At least we have enough experience about, which you have absolutely rightly said, historical experience, how it can be and how it can happen. And I don't want to say that I am the most experienced president, but the fact that I am the president of the time of war and have already met with our partners, with different leaders, and I understand what they are prepared for. I believe that this experience is enough for us to understand in time where [there's] support, where partnership or where there's an inevitable betrayal.

Joakim Klementi: Can I ask, will you stand for the concerns of Eastern Europe, countries such as Estonia, Poland as well, when talking with the U.S., when you're in these negotiations as well? The Europeans have had a hard time getting to the table. Is Ukraine speaking for the Europeans as well?

By defending itself, Ukraine is truly defending Europe. That was one of the points that we discussed with President Trump, with all the players in his team and all the congressmen. And I believe we're in agreement about the need to end the war. That, definitely, Europe should be at the table. I know all the risks in those European countries that were once in the Soviet Union, or where the Soviet army was present in politics, where Soviet troops were present. Therefore, we know everything Putin wants. I think we understand it clearly. Unfortunately, not all partners understand it yet. On the other hand, look at the whole of Europe before the full-scale war. Everything was different. Everyone was skeptical of our views. Everyone didn't really believe that the Russians wanted to return to their empire, return to Soviet influence on people and their freedoms, rights — in principle, the influence of the Soviet Union. Therefore, we believe that we will be able to convince other partners and, of course, Europe will be at the table of the negotiations on the end of this war. Because [of] the guarantee of security of Ukraine, the guarantee of security of all the countries, your countries of course.

Jessy Wellmer: If you say the U.S. is under the influence of Russian narratives, let me put it into a simple question — how do you want to convince Trump that Putin cannot be trusted? How do you want to manage it?

It's not simple, it's not easy. I'm talking about the narrative. It's not the issue of President Trump or any other leader. The question is that Russian disinformation is active, as we have already said, in the Global South, on the African continent. It was already very widespread in Europe, because this war is very close to home, there are countries bordering this war. Europe previously responded with sanctions, by closing Russian media sites or financing this disinformation. Europe reacted faster than those countries that are more remote. And so, we have to fight this disinformation. But look, between us, I think that President Trump does not need to be convinced concerning what Putin is doing today. He has enough "services," I think...

Jessy Wellmer: About Russian narratives?

He's got enough intelligence services that can show him the whole picture, where Russian narratives are spreading. If he wants. And if his surrounding [those around him] would want to see that — they can. They have it all. And from our country, from Ukraine — we have always shared with European colleagues and shared with the United States and America everything — where there are fakes, which surnames, who needs to be sanctioned. Look where they keep the money, where they have an influence on the business, what they do, how they buy people and corrupt them.

Jessy Wellmer: One question — which connection is better...

The leaders of Europe need to communicate and talk to Trump. So that the circle around Trump is wider than what it is today. That's my opinion.

Jessy Wellmer: But the connection between Trump and Putin or between Trump and you, which one is closer in the end?

Who is closer? I don't know, it's hard for me to say. It's really hard for me to say. I don't know what his real relations are. I don't know how many conversations they had. I don't know how many talks they had. I would say that I don't have close [enough] relations with Trump to understand how close his relations with Putin are.

Joakim Klementi: I want to come back to what you said — that you know what Vladimir Putin wants. Can you describe to the whole of Europe what he wants? And in terms of security guarantees, we need to deter Russia. I want to ask you: what or who is Putin actually afraid of?

A lot of questions. Just give me a second, I need to note them down. Who is Putin afraid of? Let me start with this. Putin is only afraid of his society. The destabilization of his society is what he fears. But no one can influence it — he himself will influence it. His economy will influence it, sanctions policy will influence it, and the fact that he does not control or protect all his territories will influence it. All of this will be a collection of different factors, especially if all our partners remain as strong as they are. If they want to demonstrate not superpowers, but their real capabilities, and if they pressure Putin, he will face a destabilization of his society. He is afraid of this.

The second thing he is afraid of is losing his power. This is also connected to the stability of his society, but it depends on his age. He will die soon — that's a fact — and everything will end. That is, his reign could end before he finishes his historically insignificant and unsuccessful life. This is what he fears.

He is also afraid of being left alone. From the perspective of politics, isolating Putin completely has not yet succeeded. During the time of political isolation, I believe that the so-called Global South, in many respects, did not isolate him but continued to maintain contact with him. I think they helped him in this way because it would have had a significant impact on his society. His society would have seen that he was alone, that he was in the wrong. Instead, they saw a number of countries supporting or engaging with him. I think they helped him.
It is very important now that America does not help Putin escape this global isolation. I think this is dangerous. This is one of the most dangerous moments.

As for what Putin wants — he wants to leave power only at the time of his death. He really wants to go down in his own version of history, because it is the only history of his country. The history of the rest of the world will be completely different. He wants to have influence like the Soviet Union once had, to restore control over all the former republics, which are now independent countries. But he wants a little more. Believe me, just a little more.

And this, of course, could lead — God forbid — to direct confrontation with the West. This is evident in the messages of his propagandists. If you analyze what they say on their television, all his propagandists claim that their country must prepare for war with the West. They want it, because any war prolongs the life of this person, Putin.

Caroline Roux: You say he is afraid of his country, you say he is afraid of being left out, but is he afraid of Europe when it comes to security guarantees? Is he afraid of Europeans, Vladimir Putin?

He is afraid of the unity between Europe and the United States, so his main objective today is to divide and weaken this union. And I think that, in some areas, he has succeeded. I believe so. Not completely, thank God, but he has made progress.

Then he directs his efforts at the core of the European Union, and we see that he has also partially succeeded through Hungary's position. This was made possible because of the stance of Hungary — official Hungary. I am not talking about the people, not about the population, but about their leaders.

I think that Hungary sometimes blocks sanctions against Russia, obstructs efforts to pressure Russia, and delays the introduction of sanctions lists, including those targeting specific Russian oligarchs.

Antti Kurenen (YLE): Mr. President, YLE Finland here. It seems that Russia is not going to commit to a real ceasefire. If there, however, eventually will be a real ceasefire, it will probably be very fragile and Ukraine needs strong security guarantees. What kind of support, concrete support, do you wish to get from the Nordic countries? Is it troops, help to close the sky, air defense, other things?

The best guarantee for our state is NATO. As of today, it depends exclusively on the United States of America. Even the German position, which was previously against Ukraine joining NATO, I believe can and probably will change. But, undoubtedly, this depends on the position of the United States.

Non-fragile security guarantees for Ukraine are [in] NATO, and that still depends on the United States today. The pro-Russian position held by Hungary will eventually crumble, I am sure of it. Once again, I think there is already a shift in Germany's position, and Germany now supports Ukraine. I firmly believe that NATO is the best guarantee of security.

However, the problem lies in the fact that the United States of America is not yet ready to take this step. NATO membership would be the cheapest, fastest, most reliable and most secure solution. If America decides to bring Ukraine into NATO, it would be a game-changer. It would even be possible to consider that Trump, hypothetically, could achieve in 24 hours what he has claimed he could do. I think this decision is in America's hands.

As for Northern Europe — if I may answer briefly — I am deeply grateful to Finland. Now, what is important if NATO is not an option? A strong Ukrainian army is crucial. We already have one. Its funding, anti-air defense systems and fully equipping brigades. That is essential. Currently, our brigades are equipped with weapons at 70 percent to 80 percent [capacity], but we need to reach 100 percent. These brigades are now standing as barricades against this aggression between Russia and the civilized world. These are the key priorities. As for the contingent, I probably don't have time to elaborate on it now.

Jessy Wellmer: As you mentioned Germany, we hear that the United Kingdom and France are ready to send ground forces to the Ukraine to secure ceasefire. Do you want that from Germany as well? We have a new chancellor coming up, new government.

I have very good relations with Chancellor Merz. And I'm very grateful to Olaf [Scholz]. I think it's a common atmosphere that an additional three billion has been unblocked for us. I want to thank the German team for this. Secondly, I think Merz is a decisive person. And if not forces, I would like to ask him for Taurus long-range missiles. He knows that I really want to think this package will help us. We talked about it, but the decision is on the German side.

Jessy Wellmer: Not talking about ground forces with Germany?

With pleasure. I didn't speak with him because he is not officially in office yet. Yes?

Jessy Wellmer: So you're longing for it, that he comes into office. Friedrich Merz?"

Yes.

Jessy Wellmer: Okay, I hear. I understand.

Jeremy Bowen: Steve Witkoff, the envoy of President Trump, gave a very illuminating interview the other day. And it seemed to suggest very strongly that they don't take, the Americans don't take seriously the efforts that the British and the French are doing to try and put together a force to give you some security guarantees. I mean, Witkoff said, he ridiculed it, he said it was a posture, it was a pose, there was simplistic desire to sound like Winston Churchill, but bearing in mind the realities of European military weakness compared to the US. Actually, do you think he's right?

Europe has strengthened itself a lot. It has definitely undertaken an audit of what Europe [has] in terms of defense. Europe is now, as you can see, moving very fast. Production in Europe is growing. Europe, in terms of weapons, cyber defense and intelligence, I think, in three to five years, would be on par with the United States of America. If everything keeps going as it is now. Europe is less than the United States of America today. The United States is the leader in this direction. But Europe has everything to be safe and secure for its people. Europe has discipline and no chaos. I believe this is important. Many countries in the world, I believe, from the point of view of defense, are chaotic. Believe us, because we were buying and hauling weapons and kit from — I don't want to say where — from wherever we could. And believe me, discipline is number one in Europe. This discipline will give Europe the opportunity to grow in terms of security and production.

The fact that Europe is investing money directly in Ukrainian drones — not only the European Union, for example, Norway, but also our partners — opens up to countries in Europe all the technologies that Ukraine has obtained through its very costly, very painful experience of this war. And so, I would not rush to conclusions here.

Next, as for the gentleman who is commenting on this (likely referring to Witkoff — ed.), he doesn't look like a military man. He doesn't look like a general, and he doesn't have such experience. As far as I know, he is very good at selling and buying real estate. And this is a little different.

Joakim Klementi: "Can I ask quickly — yes, Europe has done a lot compared to a few years ago. But we often hear messages of support for Ukraine that are very grand, that are saying as long as it takes. But I've written, I think, 100 times the same message that the European leaders agreed on more support for Ukraine in my news reports, but then if you look into detail, sometimes the money simply is not where the mouth is. Do you think it's an issue that actions don't follow words?

I think bureaucracy always slows down processes. Of course, we would like to receive frozen assets. Unfortunately, we can't access Russian assets that are frozen today. We want to use them quickly for weapons. Moreover, we have openly proposed that all this money be taken and invested in production both in Ukraine and across Europe. We fully support this idea. Let's invest. Let's take quick steps to provide for ourselves — all of us. We don't need to walk; we need to run in order to strengthen ourselves, strengthen Ukraine's defense, and strengthen Europe's defense. Because if there is a ceasefire, there will still be some time to prepare and reinforce our positions. And we must act very quickly.

When the Russians see this, it will serve as one of the guarantees of security. If they see that Europe has significantly strengthened itself — twofold, threefold, or even fivefold in some countries like Germany, which can do so very quickly — it will send a strong message. When these countries strengthen themselves rapidly and fortify their Union, the European Union as a whole becomes stronger. This, of course, enhances the security of all of Europe. This is the greatest guarantee of security: that the Russians will not return to war because they will see the strength of those standing against them.

Caroline Roux: But Mr. President, not all European countries are enthusiastic about putting boots on the ground in Ukraine. You know that in Italy, for example, Giorgia Meloni thinks that it is not necessary to send troops. She suggests you could just continue to take advantage of NATO's protection. What do you say to these Europeans who are sensitive to Moscow's threat? When Moscow says send troops, it would be simply entering into a direct conflict with Russia. What do you say to these Europeans?

Moscow will say anything. Look, the question is in the consistency of the United States of America and European leaders. The question is in our consistency. Russia tries to veto all European security decisions. Or Europe imposes a veto on all the desires and desires of Putin. The only question is this. It doesn't matter what Russia wants. We need to strengthen security for our citizens. Citizens of all Europe, even when this war is over, need to strengthen their security. Don't think about how the Kremlin looks at it, we have to think about us.

Now, what about Giorgia? Giorgia believed, we talked to her, that NATO would be better, and I agree, NATO is better. NATO is better because it is faster, cheaper. Because there is institutionalism in this. Everyone understands what to do, everyone. NATO will be strengthened by Ukraine. And this will be the second strongest army, because only Turkey in NATO has 800,000 troops. Ukraine is equal to that. Ukraine will strengthen NATO. NATO doesn't strengthen Ukraine. NATO gives security to Ukrainians, and it is an important signal for all. But Ukraine definitely makes NATO stronger. Because in Russia, if you look at their army, they have 1.3 million troops, and they will increase it to 1.5, 1.6. Without Ukraine, Europe does not have today a modern, experienced army that has the same experience Russia has. That's the point. That's why Giorgia also proposed NATO, I understand. We're very grateful to Giorgia, but the United States is, unfortunately, against it for now.

Jeremy Bowen: President Zelenskyy, you've got a tough job. You're leading your country at war. You have political pressure at home and abroad. We all saw President Trump and JD Vance giving you a hard time in the White House when you were there. How do you deal with all this personally, on a personal level as a man? And also, how do you think the history books are going to look at you? Will you be the man who saved Ukraine or will you be the man who tried to save Ukraine but couldn't?

I don't know what they will write about me in little books. And this is not my goal. The goal is that I am one of those who defended Ukraine together with our people, with our army, and with all those who support us. Of course, I will defend, because this is my constitutional duty. Frankly speaking, it is my civic position. Presidency is some kind of term, but I am a person. I was born in Ukraine, I live and think and will live my life in my native country. For me, this is the goal, so that my children [can] walk down the street and wouldn't have to hide, and so that they are looked at with dignity, because we all go through this path as people first. Just people with normal values. And I will do everything I can to defend Ukraine as much as I can. But I am definitely younger than Putin. You see my prospects, you can put your stakes on me, I have a better outlook.

Caroline Roux: Thank you very much, Volodymyr Zelenskyy. In our name, thank you all for giving us this interview. I think that you have a working dinner with Emmanuel Macron now, right?

I have a tête-à-tête. We're calling it a tête-à-tête.

Caroline Roux: Thank you again, thank you everyone, have a good evening!

Thank you so much.

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