Members of the Riigikogu broke into cheers when the decision was made to revoke the voting rights of third-country nationals. With 93 MPs voting in favor, the constitutional amendment passed.

But one person's gain is another's loss. A storm of outrage erupted across Russian-language social media and years of efforts toward social integration now appear to be in vain.

Sergei Metlev, editor-in-chief of the Russian-language edition of Postimees, said that numerous lesser-known influencers have been making a lot of noise online about the issue.

"On social media — especially TikTok and Facebook — there are many questionable bloggers unfamiliar to the general public. These include influencers who have previously collaborated with the Kremlin, various local Russian-speaking politicians, and now they're all beating the same drum, and loudly," Metlev said. "Naturally, people are reacting to it. So in these non-mainstream channels, there's a narrative going around that 'they're taking the last thing we had.'"

But it's not just the Russian-speaking community that's against the constitutional amendment. Nearly 150,000 permanent residents of Estonia lost their right to vote. While their turnout has historically been low, treating them all the same is a mistake, according to former head of the Citizenship and Migration Board and current Center Party member Andres Kollist.

"These are people who have lived in Estonia for 35 years or more, or were even born here. To now classify them as Russians from Russia or Putin supporters is just foolish, in my opinion," Kollist said.

Arnold Sinisalu, former director of the Internal Security Service (ISS) and visiting professor at the University of Tartu, also questioned whether viewing all third-country nationals as a security threat was the right step.

"If we're defining long-term residents who are Russian or Belarusian citizens as a security problem, then we need to follow that logic to its conclusion — why are we allowing them to live on Estonian territory at all?" Sinisalu asked.

"That would mean deciding whether to start mass deportations and how we would even identify who's disloyal," he added, noting that the legal framework in Estonia does not support such mass expulsions.

Past integration studies have shown that many Russian-speaking residents feel a strong connection to Estonia and its identity.

"This will definitely cause some setbacks in terms of integration," Sinisalu said. "It will damage certain interpersonal relationships, but I don't think it will be anything dramatic. It's just that building a sense of cohesion within the Estonian state will be hampered for a while. How long, I can't say."

Still, Metlev believes that in the current circumstances, revoking voting rights was the right decision. But he says the situation would be entirely different if the Russian-speaking community had shown its loyalty to Estonia and support for Ukraine after the war broke out.

"For example, if on February 28, 2022, there had been a massive protest on the streets of Tallinn organized by local Russian-speaking residents and the protest had been held in Russian," said Metlev. "If there had been far more people loudly trying to embrace Estonia's efforts toward inclusivity for Russian speakers, then everything we're talking about now — this very constitutional amendment — would have been unnecessary."

Politicians have argued that Russian and Belarusian citizens living in Estonia should obtain Estonian citizenship. With that in mind, stateless persons or holders of so-called gray passports have been given a four-year grace period to apply for Estonian citizenship.

However, experts don't expect a surge in interest following the constitutional change.

Since Russia launched its full-scale invasion of Ukraine, interest in Estonian citizenship has increased somewhat. About 1,000 former Russian citizens have become Estonian citizens, along with 50 Belarusians. More than 1,100 people of undetermined citizenship have also acquired Estonian nationality.

"They're relatively tolerant. They've gotten used to being treated in various ways. So in that sense, it doesn't make a huge difference — but it still leaves a sting," said Kollist. "Yes, there's been more interest in Estonian citizenship since the start of the war and attitudes have shifted. But I don't believe this will create warm feelings toward the Estonian state as their homeland."

That's why, according to Metlev, the state must not forget its people and should offer them support.

"Whether it's more effective and higher-quality Estonian language courses," Metlev said. "Whether it's more serious attention to Estonian-language education, which is being transitioned to, though let's be honest — it's limping along in places. Or perhaps greater recognition and visibility for Russian-speaking people who contribute to Estonia."

Political interest in Russian-speaking voters, however, is virtually nonexistent — even when they are Estonian citizens.

"One of the reasons why places like Narva or Kohtla-Järve have such poor political culture and essentially no functioning party democracy is because Estonian political parties haven't invested time or money there," Metlev said.

Instead of restricting rights, society's mindset needs to change. Kollist believes that in the future, Estonians should regard local Russians in the same way they view Setos or Mulks — ethnic Estonian subgroups with distinct identities.

"Or people who are Estonian, but who also have their own identity. That's the direction we should be moving in," he said.

On Wednesday, the Riigikogu voted in favor of amending the Estonian Constitution to revoke the right of Russian and Belarusian citizens as well as other third country nationals to vote in local elections. Only Estonian and EU citizens can vote in local elections starting this October. Stateless persons, holding so-called grey passports, will still be allowed to vote in the next round of local elections, but it will be the last time.

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