When browsing the English-language nonfiction shelves at the bookstore in Tallinn's Viru Center, one thing stands out: the abundance of books about our region. On my last visit, I counted perhaps six books focused on the Baltics. That marks a clear change. As the West increasingly references how "those Balts" had long warned about Russia and how they should've been taken more seriously, the region is also getting more attention in print.

One of the latest publications on the Baltic Sea region is Oliver Moody's book "Baltic: The Future of Europe" (2025). This article may come across as an exercise in self-congratulation, but it's useful to understand what aspects are being highlighted.

Moody's book covers not only the three Baltic states, but also Finland, Denmark, Poland and Germany — offering a broader view of the countries bordering the Baltic Sea. While the term "Baltic Sea countries" is sometimes used inclusively, the focus often returns to the traditional trio: Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania.

According to Moody, the Baltic region had long sat at the periphery of Western imagination. Yet in reality, it's situated at the heart of Europe. And the geopolitical center of gravity is now shifting eastward. The Baltic Sea is becoming a critical node in the broader great game unfolding across Eurasia.

Historically, the Baltic Sea region has been an arena for regional power struggles. During the Cold War, its geopolitical orientation brought different voluntary or imposed alignments: NATO, the Warsaw Pact, non-alignment or neutrality — all paired with their respective interests and values. Today, Moody argues, there remains little sense of a shared "Balticness." Each country sees itself as belonging to different groups — be it the Nordics, the Baltics or the European Union.

For a Europe weary and aware of its own decline, the Baltic Sea region is a source of ideas and optimism. The author appears to view Estonia with particular affection, calling it Europe's most successful small state of the previous year. He praises its education system, high ranking in PISA tests and parity with Canada on the Transparency International index.

Estonia's tech sector, he writes, is the envy of many countries. He notes that Estonia's voice has become increasingly prominent within both the European Union and NATO. One of Estonia's most valuable traits, in Moody's view, is its ability to make swift strategic pivots.

Naturally, Estonia's digital infrastructure gets a mention — something we're so used to that we barely notice it ourselves. Moody sees calculated risk-taking as a national characteristic, along with the understanding that protecting a society involves more than just bunkers and bombs. At the same time, he points out public dissatisfaction with political scandals and growing alienation among the Russian-speaking population.

The Finns also earn praise, seen as exemplary in their adaptability, resilience, future-oriented mindset and sober assessments of long-term challenges. Much of what NATO now discusses in terms of societal resilience has been standard Finnish policy for decades.

In Latvia, the focus is on the Russian-speaking population and their identity crisis. Lithuania is lauded for its foreign policy courage, especially in its relationship with Taiwan despite pressure from China.

Denmark features primarily in discussions about protecting the Baltic Sea environment. The region is well-known for the environmental issues affecting its marine ecosystems — as well as for attacks on undersea infrastructure.

Poland is a topic unto itself, as it rises to become a regional power, viewing itself as responsible for defending Europe's borders against Russian aggression. More broadly, Poland seeks a place alongside Germany and France in the leadership trio of Europe. Naturally, it also desires a regional leadership role — one that other countries in the area may not necessarily accept. At the same time, Poland has historically looked inward rather than toward the sea; only now is it becoming a true Baltic country. Germany, for its part, is undergoing a domestic shift, exemplified by its military support for Ukraine and its deployment of a unit to Lithuania.

On a broader level, Moody writes that small countries traditionally located on Europe's periphery are now becoming NATO's ideological frontrunners. The question, he says, is whether Western countries have the wisdom to listen to them and see the world through their eyes.

Right now, Russian intelligence services are waging an expanding shadow war across Europe, aided by their proxies. Various explanations have been offered for this activity, but more serious analysis suggests it may be preparation for an invasion of the Baltic region. One of Vladimir Putin's longstanding obsessions is said to be retaking the Baltic states.

The Baltic countries have more experience dealing with Russian pressure than any Western nation. The biggest question in this context is whether Russia would dare to engage in open warfare against NATO. Most experts believe Moscow simply lacks the capacity to do so in the coming years, though preparations are underway. Others suggest Putin may threaten invasion without crossing the threshold. But hybrid warfare is already in full swing — not just in the Baltic Sea region.

Moody himself predicts that Russia could have both the motivation and the capability to wage war against NATO before 2030. In his view, the risk is very real.

Moody considers the Baltic states' attitude toward Russia to be realistic — because it has too often been proven right. One of the key lessons the Baltic Sea region can offer the rest of the world, he argues, is a model for unity in diversity. The region's countries exemplify what analysts call minilateralism — the creation of flexible, cohesive coalitions that can overcome the sclerosis afflicting major international organizations.

There's much more in the book that could make readers sit up and take notice. But sometimes, it's simply nice to be held up as a positive example.

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